However, the path toward deepened cooperation is not devoid of obstacles. Persistent gridlocks in their relationship continue to pose significant challenges. Historical mistrust, rooted in past conflicts and competing territorial claims, has fostered a climate of scepticism that cannot be dispelled overnight. The border resolutions, while promising, address only a fraction of the complex issues that beset their relations. Divergent strategic interests, such as India’s concerns over China’s Belt and Road Initiative and China’s apprehensions about India’s engagements with other regional powers, contribute to a delicate balance of competition and cooperation. Additionally, economic disparities and trade imbalances have engendered protectionist sentiments in both countries, complicating efforts to forge mutually beneficial agreements. Navigating these gridlocks requires sustained diplomatic efforts, confidence-building measures, and a willingness to reconcile divergent interests in pursuit of common goals.
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News and Analyses of events in South Asia
Future of Multilateral Cooperation at the SCO Summit
The timing of the summit is notable, occurring against the backdrop of ongoing conflict in the Middle East, the Russia-Ukraine war, and global struggles against climate change. Additionally, the rise of terrorism, a core focus of the SCO, continues to threaten peace across the region, including in Pakistan and other member states. As a multilateral organization, the SCO provides a platform to address these emerging challenges.
Founded in 2001, the SCO now comprises nine full member states, making it a unique multilateral group that spans nearly a quarter of the world’s landmass and includes 42.5% of its population. With permanent members such as China, Russia, Pakistan, India, and the Central Asian republics, along with strategic observers, the SCO has become a cornerstone of Eurasian diplomacy. Observer states like Mongolia and Afghanistan, alongside 14 dialogue partners including Azerbaijan, Armenia, Egypt, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, stand to benefit from the cooperative frameworks developed within the SCO.
Read moreBollywood, Blockades, and Backroom Deals in India’s Charm and Strong-Arm Strategy in South Asia
But this is where things start to get interesting. India’s hybrid strategy for keeping its neighbours, like Bangladesh, in check is as intricate as it is insidious. It is not just about guns and tanks—though those are certainly part of the package. No, India has perfected the art of the subtle squeeze. Diplomatic manoeuvring? Check. Economic dependency? Double check. Political influence? Absolutely. And let us not forget the soft power card, which India plays with the finesse of a skilled gambler. From infrastructure projects to educational exchanges, India extends its influence with all the charm of a seasoned salesperson selling you a car you do not really need.
Read moreThe Urgent Need of Decolonisation in South Asia
Decolonisation isn’t just about kicking out the old colonial powers; it’s about kicking out the mindset that they left behind. It’s about rejecting the role of Noren-the butler, refusing to wait hand and foot on multinational corporations and global superpowers, and deciding to be the host of the party instead. It’s time for South Asia to stop being everyone else’s economic sidekick and start running the show. Imagine a South Asia where industries are owned locally, politics serve the people (not foreign interests), and culture celebrates local identities instead of mimicking Western lifestyles.
Read moreClass Warfare is Not Just About Money, It’s About Who Controls the Hashtags
This brings us to Karl Marx, who, bless him, thought he had it all figured out with his theory of class conflict. Marx believed history was driven by the antagonism between economic classes—the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. He predicted this would all culminate in revolution when the economic interests of these groups could no longer be reconciled. While Marx deserves credit for highlighting the role of economics in social conflict, he perhaps underestimated the sheer power of cultural forces. It turns out that intellectuals, religious leaders, and media moguls can shape society just as profoundly as any capitalist or factory owner.
Read moreHow Western Powers, Missionaries, and Separatists Plot to Carve a Christian Utopia in India’s North East
On the geo-economic front, the North East has been blessed with natural resources—oil, natural gas, coal—that should theoretically make it an economic powerhouse. But instead of becoming the Dubai of India, the region remains underdeveloped, underappreciated, and, of course, under constant threat of insurgency. The region’s isolation hasn’t helped either. It’s like being invited to the world’s richest potluck dinner but realizing your table is at the other end of the banquet hall with no clear path to get there. India’s Act East Policy, designed to turn the North East into a bustling gateway to Southeast Asia, remains a distant dream as long as insurgents, militants, and foreign missionaries keep throwing a wrench in the works.
Now, the Western powers would have us believe that this Christian buffer state they’re supposedly cooking up would bring peace and stability to the region. Because clearly, breaking apart India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh to create a religiously homogeneous buffer nation is the surest way to calm things down. After all, what could go wrong with cutting a giant geopolitical hole in the middle of one of the most volatile regions in Asia? This new buffer state would, in theory, not only weaken India and China but also give the West a shiny new pawn in their Indo-Pacific chess game. And of course, if they get sea access via Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar, well, that’s just icing on the cake.
Read moreBangladesh, the US, and the Art of Not Getting Squished
Now, the post-Hasina era has dawned in Bangladesh. Enter Dr. Yunus—Nobel Peace Prize winner, microcredit architect, and the country’s newest interim government head. Dr. Yunus isn’t just planting metaphorical trees; he’s steering a country whose importance in the geopolitical, geoeconomic, and geostrategic chess game is quickly rising. Like a crucial pawn, Bangladesh sits at the intersection of India, China, and the ever-watchful eyes of the United States, increasingly becoming the focus of American interests in the Indo-Pacific. The US has realized it’s a smart move to cozy up to Bangladesh—because, let’s face it, the US isn’t exactly known for its subtlety in foreign policy. They’re now eyeing this South Asian economic tiger cub with the kind of interest previously reserved for its more boisterous neighbors, India and China.
Read moreBridging the Divide and Finding Peace in the Chittagong Hill Tracts
While sorting out land rights is critical, it’s equally important to promote reconciliation between the hill and Bengali populations. Economic development might just be the key to this. Instead of competing for land and resources, both communities could benefit from joint ventures in areas like sustainable agriculture, tourism, and renewable energy. The hills are rich in natural beauty, and if properly managed, tourism could provide a major economic boost to both groups. Plus, nothing says “we’re all in this together” like making money off the same tourists.
Read moreNeoliberalism: How America Got Rich, Lost Its Morals, and Built a Delusional Deep State Along the Way
The U.S. may have lost its moral compass somewhere in the neoliberal haze, but it doesn’t have to stay that way. The key to reversing the damage is remembering that not everything has to revolve around profit margins and stock prices. There’s still time to write a new story—one where collective wisdom triumphs over corporate greed, and where the American Dream means more than just getting rich while everyone else sinks.
Read moreGeopolitics of South Asia and the Birth of Bangladesh (1945-1975): A Comprehensive Analysis
The US-China-Pakistan axis had significant implications for the 1971 war. The United States, under President Nixon, was reluctant to pressure Pakistan over its actions in East Pakistan, largely because of Pakistan’s role in facilitating the US-China rapprochement. This reluctance was evident in the US response to the humanitarian crisis in East Pakistan, where reports of atrocities committed by the Pakistani military were downplayed by the US government. The Nixon administration’s support for Pakistan, despite the unfolding genocide in East Pakistan, remains a controversial aspect of US foreign policy during the Cold War.
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